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Simon Jenkins
Nato prepares to reap the Balkan whirlwind
Copyright, The
Times, Wednesday March 21 2001
A strange transformation is overtaking Tony Blair’s great Balkan
crusade. The opportunistic Anglo-Albanian alliance of 1999 is
crumbling fast, to be replaced by its bizarre successor, a new
Anglo-Serbian alliance. This bond promises to be longer-lasting,
but if I were a Balkan politician I would not hold my breath. Put
not your faith in Nato princes. Their whim is as chaff in a storm.
Take our erstwhile friend, Shefket Musliu, a freedom fighter for
the army for the liberation of the Albanian population of Presevo,
Medvedja and Bujanovac (the UCPMB). His territory had been
designated by Nato the Charlie East buffer zone of southern
Serbia and thus a no-go area for Serbs. A year ago Mr Musliu
would have counted Mr Blair a buddy and been toasted by every
hostess across Manhattan. Nato’s Secretary-General, Lord
Robertson of Port Ellen, would have called him a Byronic hero
and offered to lend him an Apache gunship or two. Bombers and
troop carriers would have been at his disposal to crush the hated
Serb, as they were for his KLA compatriot, Hashim Thaci, inside
Kosovo.
So why, Mr Musliu is asking, has Nato suddenly allowed the Serb
Army to return to Presevo, under the triumphant banner of
General Nebojsa Pavkovic, the notorious ethnic cleanser of
Pristina? Why have Serb forces been allowed back into the
three-mile-wide northern buffer zone? Why has his war-lordship
suddenly turned against the KLA’s surrogates, the National
Liberation Army, in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia?
Whose side is he on? It would be idle these days to seek
consistency in Nato’s policy in the Balkans. It lurches from photo
opportunity to photo opportunity, depending on who is in town.
Mr Blair and the former US President, Bill Clinton, could at least
argue that they had other things on their minds. Lord Robertson
has less excuse. He is in charge. During the 1999 war, he was the
most fanatical supporter of Mr Thaci in ousting the Serbs from
Kosovo and letting him seize the initiative from the moderate
leaders in the Kosovan capital of Pristina.
Since then the Nato powers have poured money, which means
weapons, into the KLA’s ever deeper and more corrupt pockets,
enabling it to carry the struggle for Greater Albania into
neighbouring Serbia and Macedonia. Nato’s cackhanded aim,
declared privately, was to counterbalance any possibility of Serb
revanchism.
Nato must now reap this whirlwind. On Monday Lord Robertson
called the National Liberation Army that is stirring pro-Albanian
civil war in Macedonia a bunch of “localised extremists”. Nato
would take any military measures necessary to curb them. A unit
of British troops, outside the UN or Nato mandate, is even
proposed to “advise the Macedonian Government” on countering
the Albanian threat. The unit will be just 20- strong but, like all
British deployments of this sort, it will go weighed down with
ministerial mission creep.
Lord Robertson is clearly serious. Every student of the Blairite
lexicon knows that its two most contemptuous words are local and
extremist. Yesterday’s Albanian freedom fighters are today’s
localised mischief-makers. Yesterday’s bulwarks against Hitlerian
aggression are today’s bloody nuisance. Last year Nato backing
for Greater Albania was “crucial to Balkan stability on Europe’s
doorstep”. This year it is no longer crucial, indeed it is possibly
catastrophic.
To Nato, civil war meddling is foreign policy for slow learners.
Lord Robertson was Britain’s gung-ho Defence Secretary during
the Kosovan adventure. His objective in bombing Serbia, he said,
was to halt ethnic cleansing, install multi-ethnic democracy in
Kosovo and restore stability to the region. He did not halt ethnic
cleansing. He did not install multi-ethnic democracy. Now his third
objective has also failed. The region faces unprecedented
instability, possibly sucking in Greece and Bulgaria as well as
Macedonia. This is precisely what Britain’s interventions in Bosnia
and then Kosovo were supposed to forestall.
In Montenegro, a Serbia weakened by Nato may yet be unable to
resist local separatism. A bloodbath here would be truly awful.
Will Nato, which has done so much to encourage Montenegran
separatism from Belgrade, now intervene to stop it? In western
Bosnia, the Croats are cutting loose from Sarajevo and running to
join Greater Croatia. This will leave Bosnia as a mostly Muslim
statelet, under an army of occupation of thousands of UN
personnel. Will Lord Robertson regard these Croats as “localised
extremists”? Will he threaten to bomb Zagreb if it continues to
encourage territorial expansionism? Most serious of all is the
looming civil war in Macedonia, hard not to regard as a direct
consequence of Nato support for Albanian nationalism in Kosovo.
Despite reverses in recent elections, the KLA has been allowed to
become an arrogant regional bully-boy, bloated with Western aid
and from trafficking in drugs and asylum-seekers. The
organisation, with its roots in separatist terrorism, has long been
the vanguard of Greater Albania. This land is intended to embrace
not just Albania and Kosovo but bordering areas of Serbia, such
as the Presevo Valley, and of Macedonia. A third of the
Macedonian population claims Albanian descent. If regional
stability was truly Nato’s concern, backing these Albanians against
their Slav neighbours was always stupid.
Of course Macedonia is not like Kosovo. Lord Robertson will
protest that in Kosovo Nato sought to re-establish the rights of the
local Albanian majority, which were being monstrously abused by
the central Government of Yugoslavia. In Macedonia, the
Albanian majority is not being abused, at least not in Lord
Robertson’s view. So it was OK to bomb Belgrade in 1999, but
not the Macedonian capital of Skopje in 2001. Kosovo has good
Albanians, Macedonia has bad ones. That is the joy of dabbling in
other people’s conflicts. You can treat right and wrong as black
and white. One gets a million dollars, the other gets cluster bombs.
Nato is now playing with fire. These Albanians know from
experience how to win friends in the West. They terrorise the
ruling power and provoke it into retaliatory suppression and
atrocity. They raise the tempo of this atrocity until it is noticed by
the Western media, which is the catalyst to panicking politicians
into “something must be done”. Then they sit tight and await the
bombs and aid. Already the Albanian publicity machine in
Macedonia’s Tetovo is depicting the local Albanians as victims of
a Fascist Slav regime. Albanian class sizes are 50, they cry, as
against 30 for native Macedonians. Give us arms. We must kill
them.
This has proved too crude even for Lord Robertson. He is finally
doing what was inevitable from the moment he first went to the
Balkans. He has had to acknowledge the reality of Serb power.
He has allowed the Yugoslav Army back into the border regions
round Kosovo and Macedonia. He will eventually have to permit
Yugoslav troops to do what he has failed to do, which is defend
Serb enclaves and historic sites within Kosovo. Meanwhile, having
supported the KLA to the hilt, he now feels he must support the
(pro-Serb) Skopje Government against the KLA’s proxies in
northern Macedonia.
This madcap adventure thus approaches its denouement. Nato’s
intervention will have partitioned the whole of former Yugoslavia
on ethnic lines. It will have left a patchwork of insecure statelets as
mafia fiefdoms or UN colonies (or both). Not content with this,
the most powerful military force in the world will find itself having
supported every side in a series of petty civil wars, which seem
destined to roll everlastingly round the Balkans. Slobodan
Milosevic was not the destabiliser of this region. That title belongs
to Nato.
Rather than leave local civil conflicts to burn themselves out, Nato
and its cheerleaders on the British Left are still pouring guns,
money and threats of “decisive action” into this theatre. I
sometimes think that Lord Robertson will not stop until the
Balkans are ablaze from the Adriatic to Istanbul. The only hope is
that President Bush has more sense. His Secretary of State, Colin
Powell, said last week: “We went in together and we will come
out together.”
Tomorrow, please.
simon.jenkins@thetimes.co.uk
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